Sir Keir Starmer visited Wales' northern region on Thursday to declare the construction of a fresh nuclear energy facility. This represents a significant policy event with implications at local and countrywide levels. However, the prime minister did not devote extensive time in Wales to advocating answers for the UK's power requirements. Rather, he spent it attempting to draw a line under the briefing controversy within Labour's leadership, telling reporters that Downing Street had not undermined the health secretary's goals in recent days.
As such, Sir Keir’s day acted as a microcosm of what his premiership has now become overall. On the one hand, he desires his administration to be doing, and to be perceived as performing, important things. On the other hand, he is unable to accomplish this because of the manner he – and, to an extent, the country more generally – now conducts politics and government.
The Prime Minister is unable to change the culture of politics on his own, but he can do something about his personal involvement in it. The simple truth is that he could manage the centre of government far better than he does. Should he achieve this, he might find that the nation was in less dismay about his administration than it is, and that he was communicating his points more successfully.
Some of the issues in Number 10 relate to individuals. The interpersonal relations of every Downing Street operation are hard to know well from outside. Yet it appears clear that Sir Keir does not make sound staffing decisions, or stick with them. Maybe he is overly occupied. Possibly he lacks genuine interest. However, he must to improve his performance, avoid slow progress or by halves.
All premiers spend too much time overseas and on international matters, where Sir Keir should delegate more, and too little conversing with MPs and hearing the citizens. Prime ministers also spend too much time engaging with the press, which Sir Keir compounds by performing inadequately. But premiers cannot claim to be surprised when their politically appointed staff, who tend to be party activists or ambitious in politics, cross lines or become the focus, as Mr McSweeney now has.
The most significant problems, though, are structural. It would be good to think that Sir Keir read the a think tank's spring 2024 report on overhauling the government's central operations. His inability to grip these issues in the summer or since implies he did not. The often abject performance of Labour’s time in office indicates recommendations like reorganizing the functions of the Cabinet Office and Downing Street, and dividing the jobs of cabinet secretary and civil service head, are currently critical.
The dominant political role of PMs far outdistances the support available to them. As a result, all aspects suffer, and much is done badly or neglected.
This is not Sir Keir’s sole responsibility. He stands as the casualty of previous shortcomings as well as the architect of current mistakes. But those who hoped Sir Keir would take control of the centre and prioritize governmental structures have been disappointed. Sadly, the primary casualty from this shortcoming is Sir Keir personally.
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